Bridgnorth, engraved 1795

From Gloucestershire, the King made his way via his hunting lodge at Feckenham, north-east of Worcester, reaching Bridgnorth by Thursday 30 July. Bridgnorth, although far off the royal highway, was a location that John had visited at least three times before, in 1200, 1204 and most recently in August 1212, convenient for manoeuvres on the central March. He was accompanied on his progress in 1215 by an impressive group of courtiers: the archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of Coventry, the earls of Chester, Salisbury and Derby, Hubert de Burgh, and by the time the court reached Bridgnorth, by a group of marcher lords including Walter de Lacy, Hugh de Mortimer, John of Monmouth and Walter of Clifford.1 At least six royal charters survive from this week. At Feckenham, on 27 July, and here continuing his patronage of those with influence at the papal court, the King conferred the Herefordshire church of Skenfrith upon John, son of Peter Saracen.2 The men of Droitwich, through whose great salt-works the King may have travelled this week, were granted their vill and salt mines at an annual rent of £100, together with an annual fair.3 Other beneficiaries of royal favour, included Ranulf earl of Chester, who on 1 August received the vill and castle of Newcastle under Lyme in fee tail for the service of a single knight's fee,4 and William earl of Salisbury, granted the vills of Andover, Wilton and Bromsgrove (another likely station on the King's itinerary) and the £100 annual farm now owed by the men of Droitwich.5

Walter de Lacy's restoration to his lands and castles in Ireland was proclaimed from 27 July onwards.6 Yet the Lacy settlement was merely one amongst several commands to Ireland, once again long prepared, intended to settle the affairs not just of the Irish midlands but of Connaught and other points south, north and west.7 The presence of Gilbert fitz Reinfrey at court perhaps explains the focus this week upon the affairs of Lancashire, with patronage for the canons of Cartmel and Cockersand, and an assignment of dower in Amounderness for the widow of Theobald Walter, now married to Fulk fitz Warin.8 Amounderness itself enjoyed close connections to Ireland via Theobald's Anglo-Irish lordship. Another order to Lancashire, relating to the land and heir of Matthew Gernet, is reminiscent of Magna Carta clause 37 in its recognition that the King should not claim rights of wardship in fees not held from him directly.9 At the opposite end of England, John Marshal was officially appointed sheriff of Dorset and Somerset, and the succession of Hubert de Burgh as chief minister in Kent perhaps explains a series of letters to that county, commanding patronage for the canons of St Radegund's near Dover and the righting of wrongs committed by the previous sheriff, Reginald of Cornhill.10

A later-medieval floor tile excavated in Bridgnorth, depicting a griffin, kept at Ludlow Museum

Although there is no explicit evidence of the King's attempts this week to negotiate with the Welsh, surviving commands for the transfer of a hostage of Llewellyn ap Iorweth, and for the restoration of pasture in Worcester to bishop Giles de Braose, suggest attempts to restore peace to a troubled region.11 In the equally troubled region of London, a letter was dispatched from the King to the Mayor of London seeking the repayment of at least part of the money that the King had devoted, before May 1215, to the city's defence, £18 of which was now commanded paid to Thomas of Galloway. The letter contains an instructive postscript, demanding its return to the King should its terms go unenforced: clear evidence that the King had little expectation that his requests would be obeyed.12 In the meantime, it would be interesting to know what relation Thomas of Galloway, the King's tame Scotsman, was expected to play in relation to London. On 27 July, and here suggesting continued attempts at accommodation with the former rebels, Stephen Harengod was commanded to release Colchester Castle into the keeping of William de Lanvallay, a prominent member of the baronial twenty-five.13

As ever, the King was anxious for the wellbeing of his hounds and huntsmen, asking that a large pack be entertained by John fitz Hugh, in such a way that the better hunting dogs be set aside from the worst.14 Instructions concerning a Jew of Gloucester contain an early reference to the office of cyrographer.15 Perhaps the most revealing letter this week was that sent on 27 July to Engelard de Cigogné, instructing him to release to Philip of Aubigny 150 of the 250 marks that remained in his custody. What is significant here is that Engelard not only continued to be the recipient of royal letters, but remained in possession of a balance of at least 100 marks of the King's money.16 The King's alien constables, in theory dismissed from office following Magna Carta, remained very much a force to be reckoned with.